Opposition in Yemen Divided Over Offer From President

Mr. Saleh’s offer, which was mediated by his Arab neighbors, has accentuated the divisions within his opposition. The opposition coalition, known as the J.M.P., which includes seven political parties, said Sunday that it welcomed the initiative, but only if a national unity government was formed after Mr. Saleh stepped down, not immediately as the current proposal put together by the Gulf Cooperation Council, which includes six member nations, calls for. The coalition parties do not want to be part of a government with Mr. Saleh.

The protesters are taking a harder line, and say that the J.M.P. is out of touch with the demands of what are known as the “independent” youth not affiliated with standing political parties. Leaders of some of the tens of thousands of street protesters — originally young people but now Yemenis from all segments of society who have set up permanent protests camps in cities throughout the country — said they suspected that Mr. Saleh could wiggle out of the deal at a later date, and try to extend his 33-year rule.

Many said they were inspired by the youthful protests in Tunisia and Egypt, which forced autocrats in those countries out relatively quickly and without conditions. They said they wanted a similar outcome here.

Ataif Alwazir, one organizer in Sana, said she and many others in the streets were against agreeing to Mr. Saleh’s offer.

“It’s just another game,” she said. “Let the J.M.P. do what they have to do politically, negotiate, and the youth will do what they have to do and stay in the streets.”

Ms. Alwazir said the idea of immunity for Mr. Saleh and his sons had divided many as well.

Protesters have repeatedly voiced their rejection of the offer of immunity for the president, though on Sunday there was some chatter via social networking Web sites arguing for a more pragmatic approach if it meant ushering Mr. Saleh to exit.

Other protesters feel that Mr. Saleh’s acceptance of the Gulf Cooperation Council’s proposal was typical of his political cunning and a move to put the opposition in a bad light and make it seem as if he were the one working to stop the country from falling into chaos.

“This initiative is for the sake of the regime,” said Tawfiq al-Shaoubi, a protest leader in the central city of Taiz, home to Yemen’s largest demonstration. “We will keep protesting,” he said. “This is regime must go so we can a build a new modern society in Yemen.”

In Sana, protesters who have camped out for weeks appeared to have no intention of moving and continued with their demonstrations on Sunday, chanting, “No negotiation, no dialogue — resign or flee,” according to Reuters.

In an interview with BBC Arabic television on Sunday, Mr. Saleh said he would not hand over power to what he termed “insurrectionists.”

“Who shall I hand it over to?” he told the BBC. “Those who are trying to make a coup? No. We will do it through ballot boxes and referendums. We’ll invite international observers to monitor. Any coup is rejected because we are committed to the constitutional legitimacy and don’t accept chaos.”

Mr. Saleh also said that Al Qaeda, which is known to have a presence in the country, had infiltrated protest camps. “Al Qaeda are moving inside the camps, and this is very dangerous,” he said. “Why is the West not looking at this destructive work and its dangerous implications for the future?”

His call to use the ballot box added to the distrust among his opponents. “The G.C.C. announced that he agrees to leave after 30 days, and he says he’s only leaving through the ballot box,” said Ms. Alwazir, the youth leader. “There’s not trust,” she said. “Especially since he’s contradicting himself right now.”

An independent Yemeni diplomat, who did not want to be identified, said that Mr. Saleh seemed confused and reluctant to step aside, but that he had drawn his own lessons from the experience of Egypt and knew he should take advantage of this offer of immunity. Mr. Saleh also fears that no immunity deal would be ironclad, the diplomat said.

He said that some in the opposition understood Yemen’s delicate state, with violence in outlying provinces increasing and the economy floundering, which is why they were willing to compromise slightly.

“Some J.M.P. leaders understand the current state of the Yemeni scene,” the diplomat said. “They realize that Yemen is on the brink of total collapse and might face a civil war.” But others, he said, chiefly Islamists from the Islah Party, want to keep pushing until they seize power, signaling a split not just between protesters and the formal political parties but also within the coalition itself.

 

Opposition in Yemen Divided Over Offer From President

Mr. Saleh’s offer, which was mediated by his Arab neighbors, has accentuated the divisions within his opposition. The opposition coalition, known as the J.M.P., which includes seven political parties, said Sunday that it welcomed the initiative, but only if a national unity government was formed after Mr. Saleh stepped down, not immediately as the current proposal put together by the Gulf Cooperation Council, which includes six member nations, calls for. The coalition parties do not want to be part of a government with Mr. Saleh.

The protesters are taking a harder line, and say that the J.M.P. is out of touch with the demands of what are known as the “independent” youth not affiliated with standing political parties. Leaders of some of the tens of thousands of street protesters — originally young people but now Yemenis from all segments of society who have set up permanent protests camps in cities throughout the country — said they suspected that Mr. Saleh could wiggle out of the deal at a later date, and try to extend his 33-year rule.

Many said they were inspired by the youthful protests in Tunisia and Egypt, which forced autocrats in those countries out relatively quickly and without conditions. They said they wanted a similar outcome here.

Ataif Alwazir, one organizer in Sana, said she and many others in the streets were against agreeing to Mr. Saleh’s offer.

“It’s just another game,” she said. “Let the J.M.P. do what they have to do politically, negotiate, and the youth will do what they have to do and stay in the streets.”

Ms. Alwazir said the idea of immunity for Mr. Saleh and his sons had divided many as well.

Protesters have repeatedly voiced their rejection of the offer of immunity for the president, though on Sunday there was some chatter via social networking Web sites arguing for a more pragmatic approach if it meant ushering Mr. Saleh to exit.

Other protesters feel that Mr. Saleh’s acceptance of the Gulf Cooperation Council’s proposal was typical of his political cunning and a move to put the opposition in a bad light and make it seem as if he were the one working to stop the country from falling into chaos.

“This initiative is for the sake of the regime,” said Tawfiq al-Shaoubi, a protest leader in the central city of Taiz, home to Yemen’s largest demonstration. “We will keep protesting,” he said. “This is regime must go so we can a build a new modern society in Yemen.”

In Sana, protesters who have camped out for weeks appeared to have no intention of moving and continued with their demonstrations on Sunday, chanting, “No negotiation, no dialogue — resign or flee,” according to Reuters.

In an interview with BBC Arabic television on Sunday, Mr. Saleh said he would not hand over power to what he termed “insurrectionists.”

“Who shall I hand it over to?” he told the BBC. “Those who are trying to make a coup? No. We will do it through ballot boxes and referendums. We’ll invite international observers to monitor. Any coup is rejected because we are committed to the constitutional legitimacy and don’t accept chaos.”

Mr. Saleh also said that Al Qaeda, which is known to have a presence in the country, had infiltrated protest camps. “Al Qaeda are moving inside the camps, and this is very dangerous,” he said. “Why is the West not looking at this destructive work and its dangerous implications for the future?”

His call to use the ballot box added to the distrust among his opponents. “The G.C.C. announced that he agrees to leave after 30 days, and he says he’s only leaving through the ballot box,” said Ms. Alwazir, the youth leader. “There’s not trust,” she said. “Especially since he’s contradicting himself right now.”

An independent Yemeni diplomat, who did not want to be identified, said that Mr. Saleh seemed confused and reluctant to step aside, but that he had drawn his own lessons from the experience of Egypt and knew he should take advantage of this offer of immunity. Mr. Saleh also fears that no immunity deal would be ironclad, the diplomat said.

He said that some in the opposition understood Yemen’s delicate state, with violence in outlying provinces increasing and the economy floundering, which is why they were willing to compromise slightly.

“Some J.M.P. leaders understand the current state of the Yemeni scene,” the diplomat said. “They realize that Yemen is on the brink of total collapse and might face a civil war.” But others, he said, chiefly Islamists from the Islah Party, want to keep pushing until they seize power, signaling a split not just between protesters and the formal political parties but also within the coalition itself.

 

In Oregon, a House Perfectly Divided, Sharing Power

Try to arrange an interview with Bruce Hanna, the new Republican co-speaker of the Oregon House of Representatives, and odds are good you will be asked if you would also like to meet with Arnie Roblan, the new Democratic co-speaker.

“I would be remiss if I did not offer,” said Steve Lindsley, their conscientious communications director.

Ask Mr. Roblan a question, but do not be surprised if Mr. Hanna answers it. Mr. Roblan says he does not mind. Nor, he says, does he mind that Mr. Hanna is the one they agreed could actually sit in the speaker’s office. Mr. Roblan notes that his office across the hall is a shorter walk to his caucus meetings.

“I have no ego in place, so it’s easy,” Mr. Roblan said.

Like many states, Oregon is facing a steep budget deficit this year, but at least its House is perfectly balanced: it has 30 Republicans and 30 Democrats, the first time it has been evenly split.

“The issue is, how do you share power in difficult times?” Mr. Roblan said.

Mr. Hanna and Mr. Roblan, who also happen to a share a forested border and two counties in their distant districts, insist that they can transcend the partisanship so apparent in their chamber. They point to the unusually early completion of the always controversial schools budget. They point to each other’s upbringing in southwestern Oregon. They finish each other’s sentences.

“Co-governance...” Mr. Hanna began.

“...all the way down,” Mr. Roblan inserted.

“...means co-chairs of all of our policy committees,” Mr. Hanna went on.

Bicameral committees, which include House and Senate members, get complicated.

“You’ve got a Senate member over there going, ‘O.K., now I have two House members to be co-chair with,’?” Mr. Hanna said. “It’s tri-chairs.”

Mr. Roblan clarified: “One of them is a half. The others are quarters.”

This prompted a co-laugh.

Oregon’s is hardly the first House divided. Even the Oregon Senate was after the 2002 election. Alaska’s Senate is currently split, and Montana’s House and Senate have been divided now and then over the years, though Republicans have recently taken hold. Plenty of other states have navigated splits.

The National Conference of State Legislatures provides a three-inch-thick packet to legislative leaders who come looking for help when November yields a tie. (Parties rarely aim for equality. In Oregon, Republicans picked up six seats last fall, ending complete Democratic control.)

“It’s happened literally every election for more than two decades,” said Brenda Erickson, of the National Conference of State Legislatures. “It does need, in some cases, a certain type of personality to make it work better. It’s not going to necessarily work great. Our political system is not meant to work in a tied system. Majority rule is the basis for the American system.”

Mr. Hanna and Mr. Roblan both say they want majority rule — and will be working to win it in elections next year. But that can wait.

“My career has been about bringing people together,” said Mr. Roblan, a former high school principal from Coos Bay.

Mr. Hanna, who owns a Coca-Cola bottling company in Roseburg, has been pegged by others as more partisan, but he said that stems from just doing his job as a former minority leader.

“This plays to my core more,” he said.

There is much to do before the session ends in June, including passing a budget for social programs, where the two lawmakers have clear differences of opinion. Each insisted he did not suspect the other of secret partisan plotting.

“I don’t mean it’s like lying in a field of flowers going, ‘Oh, this is nice,’?” Mr. Hanna said. “But the memory of how did we operate, how did we treat one another, that’s going to be lasting.”