Mr. Saleh’s offer, which was mediated by his Arab neighbors, has accentuated the divisions within his opposition. The opposition coalition, known as the J.M.P., which includes seven political parties, said Sunday that it welcomed the initiative, but only if a national unity government was formed after Mr. Saleh stepped down, not immediately as the current proposal put together by the Gulf Cooperation Council, which includes six member nations, calls for. The coalition parties do not want to be part of a government with Mr. Saleh.
The protesters are taking a harder line, and say that the J.M.P. is out of touch with the demands of what are known as the “independent” youth not affiliated with standing political parties. Leaders of some of the tens of thousands of street protesters — originally young people but now Yemenis from all segments of society who have set up permanent protests camps in cities throughout the country — said they suspected that Mr. Saleh could wiggle out of the deal at a later date, and try to extend his 33-year rule.
Many said they were inspired by the youthful protests in Tunisia and Egypt, which forced autocrats in those countries out relatively quickly and without conditions. They said they wanted a similar outcome here.
Ataif Alwazir, one organizer in Sana, said she and many others in the streets were against agreeing to Mr. Saleh’s offer.
“It’s just another game,” she said. “Let the J.M.P. do what they have to do politically, negotiate, and the youth will do what they have to do and stay in the streets.”
Ms. Alwazir said the idea of immunity for Mr. Saleh and his sons had divided many as well.
Protesters have repeatedly voiced their rejection of the offer of immunity for the president, though on Sunday there was some chatter via social networking Web sites arguing for a more pragmatic approach if it meant ushering Mr. Saleh to exit.
Other protesters feel that Mr. Saleh’s acceptance of the Gulf Cooperation Council’s proposal was typical of his political cunning and a move to put the opposition in a bad light and make it seem as if he were the one working to stop the country from falling into chaos.
“This initiative is for the sake of the regime,” said Tawfiq al-Shaoubi, a protest leader in the central city of Taiz, home to Yemen’s largest demonstration. “We will keep protesting,” he said. “This is regime must go so we can a build a new modern society in Yemen.”
In Sana, protesters who have camped out for weeks appeared to have no intention of moving and continued with their demonstrations on Sunday, chanting, “No negotiation, no dialogue — resign or flee,” according to Reuters.
In an interview with BBC Arabic television on Sunday, Mr. Saleh said he would not hand over power to what he termed “insurrectionists.”
“Who shall I hand it over to?” he told the BBC. “Those who are trying to make a coup? No. We will do it through ballot boxes and referendums. We’ll invite international observers to monitor. Any coup is rejected because we are committed to the constitutional legitimacy and don’t accept chaos.”
Mr. Saleh also said that Al Qaeda, which is known to have a presence in the country, had infiltrated protest camps. “Al Qaeda are moving inside the camps, and this is very dangerous,” he said. “Why is the West not looking at this destructive work and its dangerous implications for the future?”
His call to use the ballot box added to the distrust among his opponents. “The G.C.C. announced that he agrees to leave after 30 days, and he says he’s only leaving through the ballot box,” said Ms. Alwazir, the youth leader. “There’s not trust,” she said. “Especially since he’s contradicting himself right now.”
An independent Yemeni diplomat, who did not want to be identified, said that Mr. Saleh seemed confused and reluctant to step aside, but that he had drawn his own lessons from the experience of Egypt and knew he should take advantage of this offer of immunity. Mr. Saleh also fears that no immunity deal would be ironclad, the diplomat said.
He said that some in the opposition understood Yemen’s delicate state, with violence in outlying provinces increasing and the economy floundering, which is why they were willing to compromise slightly.
“Some J.M.P. leaders understand the current state of the Yemeni scene,” the diplomat said. “They realize that Yemen is on the brink of total collapse and might face a civil war.” But others, he said, chiefly Islamists from the Islah Party, want to keep pushing until they seize power, signaling a split not just between protesters and the formal political parties but also within the coalition itself.
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